00100			 THE PARANOID MODE
00200	 The Concept of Paranoia
00300		Like  ourselves,  the  ancient  Greeks  called  one   another
00400	paranoid.  The  term  `paranoia'  (Gr:  para=beside;  nous  =  mind)
00500	referred to states of craziness and mental deterioration. For roughly
00600	the next two thousand years the term disappeared from classifications
00700	of mental disorders.  Historians have not seemed curious  about  what
00800	persons  with persecutory delusions were called all that time. (It is
00900	doubtful that there weren't  any.)  In  the  18th  century  the  term
01000	reappears  in  German  classifications  to refer to delusional states
01100	categorized as disorders of intellect rather  than  emotion.  (Lewis,
01200	1970).
01300		Little agreement about the term's usage   was  reached  until
01400	this  half of the present century when it achieved a solid adjectival
01500	status, as in "paranoid  personality"  and  "paranoid  state".     At
01600	present   the   category  "paranoid"  has  high  reliability  (85-95%
01700	interjudge agreement). The term is generally used  to  refer  to  the
01800	presence  of  persecutory  delusions.   Somatic, erotic, grandeur and
01900	jealousy  delusions   are   simply   identified   as   such   without
02000	characterizing them as paranoid.
02100		To  introduce  what  being  paranoid  is  like,  let us first
02200	consider two sorts of human activity, one termed "ordinary"  and  the
02300	other termed "paranoid".
02400		In the ordinary mode of human action a person goes about  his
02500	business  of everyday living in a matter-of-fact way.   He deals with
02600	recurrent and routine situations in his environment  as  they  arise,
02700	taking things at their face value.  Events proceed in accordance with
02800	his beliefs and expectations and thus can be managed routinely.  Only
02900	a  small  amount  of  attention  need  be  devoted  to monitoring the
03000	environment , simply checking that everthing is as expected.     This
03100	placid ongoing flow of events can be interrupted by the the detection
03200	of signs of alarm or opportunity at any  time.  But  the  predominant
03300	condition  is one of a steady progression of events so ordinary as to
03400	be uneventful.
03500		In contrast to this routine ordinariness are  arousal  states
03600	of  emergency  .    The particular aroused emergency to be considered
03700	herein is termed the "paranoid mode"  characterized  by  a  continous
03800	wary  suspiciousness.  To  appreciate the nature and problems of this
03900	state, imagine the situation of a spy in a hostile country.  To  him,
04000	everyone  he  meets  is  a potential enemy, a threat to existence who
04100	must  be  evaluated  for  malevolence.   To  survive   he   must   be
04200	hypervigilant and fully mobilized to attack, to flee, to stalk.    In
04300	this situation appearances are not to  be  taken  at  face  value  as
04400	ordinary  events  or  routine background but each must be attended to
04500	and interpreted in order  to  detect  malevolence.    Events  in  the
04600	environment, which in the ordinary mode would not be connected to the
04700	self, become referred to  the  self  as  potentially  menacing.   The
04800	unintended  effects  of  others may be misinterpreted as intended and
04900	the undesigned tends to become confused with the  designed.   Nothing
05000	can be allowed to be unattendable.  The dominant intention of the
05100	agent is to detect malevolence from others.
05200	
05300	 Characteristics of Clinical Paranoias
05400		When  dividing  the  world  of  experience  into   conceptual
05500	classes,  we  sort and group together objects and events according to
05600	properties they have in common. The members of a class  resemble  one
05700	another in sharing certain properties.    The resemblance between
05800	members of a  class  is  neither  exact  nor  total.   Members  of  a
05900	conceptual  class  are  considered more or less alike and there exist
06000	degrees of resemblance.  Humans are neither subjective nor objective;
06100	they  are  projective.     In forming classifications, we project our
06200	intentions onto the world.  Thus the world of experience consists  of
06300	our  interactive relations, not simply of objects isolated from human
06400	interests.
06500		Observations and classifications made by clinicians regarding
06600	naturally-occurring paranoid disorders have been thoroughly described
06700	in the psychiatric literature.   Extensive accounts can be  found  in
06800	Swanson,  Bohnert  and Smith (1970) and in Cameron (1967).    I shall
06900	attempt to give a condensed description of paranoid phenomena as they
07000	appear  in, or are described by, patients in a psychiatric interview.
07100	It is many of these phenomena which  the  proposed  simulation  model
07200	attempts to explain.
07300	
07400		The main phenomena of paranoid disorders  can  be  summarized
07500	under  concepts  of suspiciousness, self-reference, hypersensitivity,
07600	fearfulness , hostility and rigidity.  These class-concepts represent
07700	common empirical indicators of the paranoid mode.
07800	
07900	 Suspiciousness
08000		The chief  characteristic  of  clinical  paranoid   disorders
08100	consists  of  suspiciousness,  a  mistrust  of  others  based  on the
08200	patient's malevolence  beliefs.       The  patient  believes  others,
08300	known and unknown, have evil intentions towards him. In his relations
08400	with  others  he  is  continously  on  the  look-out  for  signs   of
08500	malevolence  which  he  often  reads  from  the  results  of  his own
08600	probings.  He is hypervigilant; people must be watched, their schemes
08700	unmasked  and  foiled.   He  is  convinced  others try to bring about
08800	undesirable states in himself such as humiliation, harassment, mental
08900	subjugation,  physical  injury  and even death.    In an interview he
09000	may report such beliefs directly or ,if he is well-guarded, he offers
09100	only  hints.   He does not confide easily. Disclosure may depend upon
09200	how the interviewer responds in the dialogue to the patient's reports
09300	of fluctuating suspicions and/or absolute convictions.
09400		He is greatly concerned with "evidence". No room  is  allowed
09500	for  mistakes,  ambiguities  or chance happenings.  "Paranoids have a
09600	greater passion for the truth than other madmen."  -(Saul  Bellow  in
09700	Sammler's  Planet). Using  trivial evidential details, his inferences
09800	leap from the undeniable to the unbelievable.
09900		The patient may vary in his own estimate of the  strength  of
10000	his  malevolence  beliefs. If they consist of weakly-held suspicions,
10100	he may have moments of reasoning with himself in which  he  tries  to
10200	reject  them as ill-founded.  But when the beliefs represent absolute
10300	convictions, he does not struggle  to  dismiss  them.    They  become
10400	pre-conditions for countering actions against tormentors who wish and
10500	try to do him evil.  He seeks affirmation of  his  beliefs.  ("It  is
10600	certain  that  my  conviction  increases the moment another soul will
10700	believe in it." Joseph Conrad in Lord Jim.). He  wants  sympathy  and
10800	allies  in  positions  of power such as clinicians or lawyers who can
10900	help him take action against his oppressors.
11000		The  malevolence  beliefs may involve a specific other person
11100	or a conspiracy of others such as the  Mafia,  the  FBI,  Communists,
11200	Hell's Angels.  The patient sees himself as a victim ,one who suffers
11300	at the hands of others  rather  than  as  an  agent  who  brings  the
11400	suffering  on himself.  Other agents subject him to, and make him the
11500	object of, their evil intentions. He dwells on  and  rehearses  these
11600	outrages  in  his  imagination.  He  schemes  to defeat or escape his
11700	adversaries.
11800		The  misdeeds  of others are denounced, disparaged, condemned
11900	and belittled. He feels interfered with  and  discriminated  against.
12000	The  specific content of the beliefs may not be directly expressed in
12100	a first interview.     The patient may be so mistrustful of how their
12200	disclosure might be used against him that he cautiously feels his way
12300	through an interview offering only hints which an interviewer can use
12400	to infer the presence of persecutory delusions.
12500	
12600		Using  his  own  credibility  judgements,   the   interviewer
12700	attempts  to  determine whether the patient's malevolence beliefs are
12800	delusions (false beliefs) or not. Experienced clinicians realize that
12900	some  malevolence  beliefs  can  turn  out  to  be  true.  Others may
13000	represent correct  estimations  on  the  part  of  the  patient  who,
13100	however,  fails  to see that the malevolence of others is a secondary
13200	consequence of his tendency to accuse and provoke others to the point
13300	where they in fact become hostile towards him.
13400	
13500	
13600	 Self-Reference and Hypersensitivity
13700	
13800	
13900		The patient may believe many  events  in  the  world  pertain
14000	directly  to  himself.  Other  observers  of  his  situation find his
14100	conviction hard to accept. For example,  he  may  be  convinced  that
14200	newspaper headlines refer to him personally or that the statements of
14300	radio announcers contain special messages for him. Hypervigilant,  he
14400	hypersensitively reads himself into situations which are not actually
14500	intended to pertain to him and his particular concerns.
14600	
14700		References to the self  are  misconstrued  as  slurs,  snubs,
14800	slights  or  unfair  judgements.  He may feel he is being watched and
14900	stared at.  He is excessively concerned about his visibility to  eyes
15000	which  can  both  see  concealed  inadequacies  and censure for them.
15100	Cameras, telescopes ,etc.  which may be directed his way unnerve him.
15200	He may feel mysteriously influenced through electricity, radio waves,
15300	or (more contemporaneously) by  emanations  from  computers.   He  is
15400	hypersensitive   to  criticism.      In  crowds  he  believes  he  is
15500	intentionally bumped. Driving on  the  highway  he  feels  repeatedly
15600	followed  too-closely  by  the  car  behind.   Badgered and bombarded
15700	without relief by this stream of wrongs , he becomes hyper-irritable,
15800	querulous and quarrelsome.
15900		He is touchy about certain topics, flaring up when references
16000	to  particular conceptual domains appear in the conversation.     For
16100	example, any remarks about his age, religion, family, or sexlife  may
16200	set  him  off.    Even  when  these  domains are touched upon without
16300	reference  to  him,  e.g.   religion  in  general,  he  may  take  it
16400	personally.   When  a delusional complex is present, linguistic terms
16500	far removed from, but still conceptually connectable to, the  complex
16600	stir  him up. Thus, to a man holding beliefs that the Mafia intend to
16700	harm him, any remark about  Italy  might  lead  him  to  react  in  a
16800	suspicious or fearful manner.
16900	
17000	 Affect-States   
17100	
17200		The  major  affects expressed, both verbally and nonverbally,
17300	are those of fear, anger and mistrust. The patient fears that  others
17400	wish  to  subjugate  and  control  him. He may be fearful of physical
17500	attack and injury even to the point of death. His fear  is  justified
17600	in  his  mind by the many threats he detects in the conduct of others
17700	towards him.   He is hostile to what are interpreted as  insinuations
17800	or  demeaning  allusions. His chronic irritability becomes punctuated
17900	with outbursts of raging tirades and diatribes.  When he feels he  is
18000	being  overwhelmed, he may erupt and in desperation physically attack
18100	others.
18200		The affects of fear, anger and mistrust he experiences  blend
18300	with  one  another  in  varying  proportions  to  yield an unpleasant
18400	negative affect state made continuous  by  fantasied  rehearsals  and
18500	retellings  of  past  wrongs.      Depending on his interpretation of
18600	input from other people, the patient may move away  from  others  and
18700	become  guarded,  secretive  and  evasive. Or he may suddenly jump at
18800	others with  sarcastic  accusations  and  arguments.    His  negative
18900	affect-states  become locked into self-perpetuating cycles with other
19000	people in his life space who may take censoring  action  towards  him
19100	because of his uncommunicativeness or outbursts.
19200	
19300	
19400	 Rigidity
19500	
19600		Another  salient  characteristic  of  the  paranoid  mode  is
19700	excessive  rigidity.   The  patient's  beliefs in his sensitive areas
19800	remain fixed, difficult  to  influence  by  evidence  or  persuasion.
19900	The  patient  himself  makes  few  verification  attempts which might
20000	falsify his convictions.     To change a belief  is  to  admit  being
20100	wrong.     To  forgive  others  also  opens  a  crack  in the wall of
20200	righteousness.    He does  not  apologize  nor  accept  apology.   He
20300	stubbornly   follows   rules   to   the   letter   and   his  literal
20400	interpretations of an organization's  regulations  can  drive  others
20500	wild.    It is this insistent posture of rigidity  and  inflexibility
20600	which  makes the treatment of paranoid processes by symbolic-semantic
20700	methods so difficult. The patient clings to his convictions in  spite
20800	of all the "rational" counter-evidence offered.
20900	
21000	Other Descriptions of Naturally Occurring Paranoias
21100		Historians,   biographers,   playwrights,    novelists    and
21200	journalists   have   contributed  naturalistic  descriptions  of  the
21300	paranoid mode. Hofstader, a political historian, observed in an essay
21400	on the paranoid style in American politics.( Hofstader, 1965):
21500		"It is, above all, a way of seeing the world and of
21600		expressing oneself...the feeling of persecution is
21700		central and is indeed systematized in grandiose theories
21800		of conspiracy...
21900	
22000		While any system of beliefs can be expressed in the
22100		paranoid style, there are certain beliefs which seem
22200		to be espoused almost entirely this way."
22300	These beliefs commonly  refer   to vast  invisible     conspiratorial
22400	networks.
22500		"But there is a vital difference between the paranoid
22600		spokesman in politics and the clinical paranoiac; although
22700		they both tend to be overheated, overaggressive, grandiose,
22800		and apocalyptic in expression, the clinical paranoid sees the
22900		hostile and conspiratorial world in which he  feels   himself 
23000		to be living as directed specifically AGAINST HIM; whereas
23100		the spokesman of the paranoid style finds it directed
23200		against a nation, a culture, a way of life whose fate
23300		affects not himself alone but millions of others."
23400	Clear examples are the beliefs of  anti-fluoridationists and  extreme
23500	right-wing  beliefs  about a sustained, sinister, gigantic and subtle
23600	Communist conspiracy  which  must  be  defeated,  not  by  the  usual
23700	politics, but by an all-out crusade which is forever faced with  time
23800	running out.
23900		"The enemy is clearly delineated: he is a perfect model
24000		of malice, a kind of amoral superman: sinister, ubiquitous,
24100		powerful, cruel, sensual, luxury-loving."
24200		As  have  other  chroniclers  of the paranoid mode, Hofstader
24300	noted the paranoid paradox of imitating the enemy. The Ku  Klux  Klan
24400	imitates Catholoicism's priestly vestments and elaborate rituals. The
24500	John  Birch  Society  emulates  Communist  cells  and   front-groups.
24600	Anti-intellectual  paranoid  critics  and investigators present their
24700	"evidence" in overwhelming  detail,  a  caricature  of  pedantry  and
24800	scholarship.
24900		"The very character of its conclusions leads to heroic
25000		strivings for `evidence' to prove that the unbelievable
25100		is the only thing that can be believed...the paranoid
25200		mentality is far more coherent than the real world since
25300		it leaves no room for mistakes, failures, or ambiguities...
25400		(the paranoid) has no sense of how things do not happen."
25500		Biographers of Corvo provide us with fascinating accounts  of
25600	a  paranoid personality. Corvo, whose real name was Frederick William
25700	Rolfe (1860-1913), was an Englishman who  styled  himself  as  "Baron
25800	Corvo"  and  signed  himself  as  "Fr." hoping it would be misread as
25900	"Father". At twenty-six he converted to Catholicism and attempted  to
26000	become a priest.  He was expelled from Scots College at Rome as being
26100	unsuitable for the priesthood. Beginning as a dabbler and painter, he
26200	developed  himself into a minor writer little recognized while he was
26300	alive. He has now become something of  a  curiosity  in  the  English
26400	literary world.  Pamela Hansford Johnson wrote a novel about him (The
26500	Unspeakable Skipton,1959).  The term "corvine" now has the additional
26600	sense  of  referring  to  Corvo's  style.   His  best  known  work, a
26700	schoolboyish novel called Hadrian the Seventh, has been made  into  a
26800	popular  play.  Descriptions of Corvo by his friends, benefactors and
26900	himself offer a museum of paranoid psychopathology.
27000		He contrived a florid medievalist writing style characterized
27100	by sinuous sentences affecting  archaic,  ecclesiastical, neologistic
27200	words at times so absurd as to be comical. A benefactor wrote:
27300		"Rolfe had literally not another thing in the world
27400		to do but impress his so carefully cultivated personality
27500		on people and bully them into supporting him; his work was
27600		done only for the sake of his own self; the desire to make
27700		a figure in the world was always with him." (Dawkins, 
27800		quoted by Weeks, 1971).
27900	Although he had never been  to  the  university,  Rolfe  acquired  an
28000	Oxford  accent  and  scholarly  manner.  He  pretended his family was
28100	important and hinted that the Kaiser was his  godfather.  He  wore  a
28200	heavy,  self-designed silver ring with a spur to protect himself from
28300	kidnapping attempts by Jesuits. People described him as a  poseur  of
28400	colossal  intellectual  vanity  who  "saw  himself  doing picturesque
28500	things in a picturesque way" and who "contrived to  give  an  air  of
28600	queerness to ordinary actions". (Symons,1955).
28700		Rolfe said of himself:  "I  bathe  in  a  row...A  friend  is
28800	necessary,  one  friend  -  but  an enemy is more necessary. An enemy
28900	keeps one alert." He believed he had powerful enemies  who  conspired
29000	against  him.  In particular,  Catholics were in league against   him
29100	inspiring machinations and subtle plots. A close friend and co-author
29200	stated:
29300		"It is an absolute delusion that anyone keeps a watch on him
29400		or hinders him. Really, in Catholic eyes, he is practically
29500		non-existent." (Benson, quoted in Symons,1971).
29600	
29700		In his writings, Rolfe sought retribution  against  Catholics
29800	and  others  he  harbored  grudges  against.  The hero of Hadrian the
29900	Seventh,  George  Rose,  obviously  Rolfe  himself  in  a  wished-for
30000	personal odyssey, is elevated from ordinary English citizen to   Pope
30100	in one day! Throughout the book a cast of people from Rolfe's life are
30200	pilloried and gibetted.
30300	
30400		"I tell you what I am about to tell you, not because I have
30500		been provoked, abused, calumniated, traduced, assailed with
30600		insinuation, innuendo, misrepresentation, lies: not because
30700		my life has been held up to ridicule, and to most inferior
30800		contempt: not because the most preposterous stories to my
30900		detriment have been invented, hawked about, believed...
31000		Officially I must correct error."(Hadrian the Seventh).
31100		Always utterly right, he spewed out calligraphic  letters  of
31200	hate.   To  benefactors  who  had let him down his letters were acid,
31300	scathing, sneering, blasting, deriding, jarring,  jeering,  abusively
31400	venomous.   He  was  a "jaundiced, bitter, persecuted pariah" with an
31500	"everlasting  look  of  suspicion  in   his   narrow   but   piercing
31600	eyes."(Weeks,1971).   If his books were not successful, it was due to
31700	the malignant spite of his foes or the perfidy of friends.
31800		"When payments ceased, largely for the reason that the
31900		expected royalties did not accrue, Rolfe sought an 
32000		explanation of the fact (which could not be denied) in some  
32100	        human agency; and soon found one." (Symons, l955).
32200	
32300		"Rolfe was never a person to let matters rest unexplained.
32400		Their causes and effects had to be known."(Weeks, 1971).
32500		In   his   last   few   years  this  sponging,  unscrupulous,
32600	flambouyant, eccentric personality, full of  extravagant  quirks  and
32700	bizarre  kinks,  became  a  scandalous  (homosexual)  character about
32800	Venice.  After a life of straining for flourish, he died abruptly and
32900	without  panache  of  a  heart attack before going to bed and was not
33000	found until the next afternoon.
33100		Ernest  Hemingway  (1899-1961),  a  writer of greater stature
33200	than Rolfe, found himself gripped in a paranoid  mode  in  his  later
33300	years.  Faced  with waning powers, losses of property and friends, he
33400	became frightened, petulant, and suspicious. He  believed  he  had  a
33500	fatal   disease.  He  burst  out  in  long  smoldering  grudges.  His
33600	bewildered friends could not understand why they were considered part
33700	of  a  conspiracy to betray him. He felt Federal agents were pursuing
33800	him for cheating on his income tax and for impairing the morals of  a
33900	minor. To his friend and associate, Hotchner, he erupted:
34000		"It's the worst hell. The goddamnedest hell. They've bugged
34100		everything. That's why we're using Duke's car. Mine's bugged.
34200		Everything's bugged. Can't use the phone. What put me on to 
34300	  	it was that phone call with you.  You remember we got            
34400	  	disconnected?  That tipped their hand."  (Hotchner, l966).
34500		In  a  restaurant  he  believed  two  men at the bar were FBI
34600	agents. When told  they  were  salesmen  who  came  there  regularly,
34700	Hemingway retorted:
34800		"Of course they're salesmen. The FBI is noted for its clumsy
34900		disguises. What do you think they'd pose as - concert              
35000		violinists?".  (Hotchner, l966).
35100	In his final days he even turned on Hotchner: 
35200		"You've been pumping me and getting the gen, but you're like
35300		Vernon Lord and all the rest, turning state's evidence, 
35400	 	selling out to them." (Hotchner,1966).
35500		Once in less tortured times, in answer to  a  question  about
35600	death,  Hemingway  replied: "death is just another whore." Beset with
35700	accelerating anxieties and ineradicable convictions of  betrayal,  he
35800	solicited her first, firing a shotgun into his mouth.
35900		A contemporary account of the paranoid mode is  presented  by
36000	Nagler in  his   biography of  the  prizefighter  Joe  Louis,  former
36100	heavyweight champion of the world.(Nagler,1972). Since 1967  when  he
36200	was  53,  Louis  has  believed that members of the Mafia are pursuing
36300	him, determined to destroy him by poison gas. Particularly at  night,
36400	he suffers outbreaks of suspicion, anxiety, and rage.
36500		"Whenever they stayed in a hotel with air-conditioning
36600		Louis would attempt to paste newspapers over the vents
36700		in his room."
36800	He believes there exists a plot to  involve  him  in  the  making  of
36900	pornographic films with a woman other than his wife. Seeking aid from
37000	his biographer, he said:
37100		"You got to tell the whole story. She's in on it. What they
37200		tried to do was get moving pictures of me in bed with her.
37300		She had this chauffeur, and he was helping her. They
37400		were with the Mafia; and when I found out they started
37500		trying to kill me. That's why they kept pumping that
37600		gas in on me."
37700		These natural history  descriptions  of   naturally-occurring
37800	paranoia  by a variety of nonclinical writers add to our knowledge of
37900	the observable phenomena.  For a deeper understanding of  what  might
38000	underlie  the  phenomena ,  we  must turn to explanatory theories and
38100	models.
38200	
38300			THEORIES OF PARANOIA 
38400	
38500		Attempts to explain, to make intelligible, paranoid disorders
38600	have been offered since antiquity.     None of these  verbally-stated
38700	formulations has won the consensus which typifies scientific theories
38800	since they were neither systematic nor testable.
38900		Science   represents   a   search  for  consensus  knowledge,
39000	judgments about which agreement can be obtained. (See  Ziman,  1968).
39100	For  a theory to gain scientific consensus, it must meet requirements
39200	of systemicity and testability.
39300		For a theory to be systematic, its hypotheses must cohere and
39400	not be isolated. They must connect with one another and collaborate
39500	in  a consistent way. Each hypothesis stands as an initial assumption
39600	or as  a  consequence  of  one  or  more  initial  assumptions.   The
39700	consequence  relation  can  be one of logical or empirical entailment
39800	but the system of hypotheses, to be consistent,  should  not  contain
39900	contradictions.
40000		For a  theory  to  be  testable,  it  must  be  sensitive  to
40100	empirical  data  which  can strengthen or weaken its acceptability as
40200	true or authentic. Each hypothesis in the theory need not be directly
40300	or  independently  testable.     But  the  theory as a conjunction of
40400	hypotheses must be brought into contact with data of observation,  if
40500	not directly, then indirectly, through a translation process in which
40600	a consequence of  the  theory  can  be  compared  with  observational
40700	evidence.
40800		Previous theories of  paranoia  can  be  criticized  for  not
40900	satisfying  these  requirements of systemicity and testability.   The
41000	model to be presented fulfills these requirements. When theories  are
41100	presented  in  literary  form  it  is  difficult  to  know  what such
41200	formulations imply or whether the implications are consistent.  Since
41300	natural language is vague and ambiguous, prose theories are difficult
41400	to analyze. For example, we cannot tell (1) if  the  assumptions  are
41500	independent  or  redundant,  (2)  if each assumption is needed or the
41600	assumption set is incomplete, and (3) what is the logical  status  of
41700	the  assumptions  -  are they tautologies, definitions, typologies or
41800	empirical  statements?   Thories  cast  in  prose  essays   are   too
41900	inexplicit  to tell us what we are supposed to do in order to believe
42000	the world  behaves  as  their  authors  have  conceived  it.    If  a
42100	formulation  is  untestable, the issues it raises are undecidable and
42200	unsettleable; thus the necessary consensus cannot be reached.
42300	
42400		Theories stem from two sources: (1) from hypotheses suggested
42500	by  new  descriptions or revisualizations of the phenomena themselves
42600	and (2) from modifications of a legacy of previous  theories  serving
42700	as  the  bequeathed  myths of the field.  Each generation attempts to
42800	formulate new explanatory theories by discovering new phenomena or by
42900	modifying  predecessor theories.  The old theories are unsatisfactory
43000	or only partially satisfactory because  they  are  found  to  contain
43100	anomalies or contradictions which must be removed. Sometimes previous
43200	theories  are  viewed  as  lacking  evidential  support  by   current
43300	standards.  Theories are mainly superseded rather than disproved. The
43400	new  versions  try  to  remove  the   contradictions   and   increase
43500	comprehensiveness by explaining more phenomena.
43600		Theories  have  many  functions.   They  can be summarized as
43700	follows (Bunge, 1967):
43800		(1)To systematize knowledge.
43900		(2)To explain facts by showing how they are the entailed
44000			consequences of the systematizing hypotheses.
44100		(3)To increase knowledge by deriving new facts.
44200		(4)To enhance the testability of hypotheses by connecting
44300			them to observations.
44400		(5)To guide research by:
44500			(a) posing fruitful problems.
44600			(b) suggesting new data to gather.
44700			(c) opening new lines of investigation.
44800		(6)To map a portion of reality. 
44900		It  would be excessive to demand that a single theory fulfill
45000	all these functions.  In  the  pre-consensus  states  of  undeveloped
45100	fields  we  should be happy in achieving even one of them. Models, as
45200	well as theories, can be  assigned  these  functions  when  they  are
45300	theoretical  in  type.   Our model was constructed primarily to serve
45400	functions (2) and (4), offering a testable explanation.
45500		Again,  theories offered as scientific explanations should be
45600	(a) systematic	(i.e.           coherent  and  consistent)  and   (b)
45700	empirically  testable.   Prior  formulations  about the paranoid mode
45800	have not met these criteria and thus are deservedly  bygone  notions.
45900	For  example,  to  account for paranoid processes by hypothesizing an
46000	imbalance  of  intellect  and  affect  is  so  vague  and  global   a
46100	formulation as not to merit explanatory status. For an explanation to
46200	achieve  consensus,  it  must  be  of  the right type, systematic and
46300	testable. To meet  these  criteria,  I  shall  propose  a  postulated
46400	structure  of symbol-manipulating processes, strategies, functions or
46500	procedures which is capable of producing the observable  regularities
46600	of the paranoid mode.
46700		In  psychiatry  it  is still useful to view some things which
46800	happen to a man in causal mechanical terms. But a man is not  only  a
46900	passive  recipient,  subject  to Newtons's laws. He is also an active
47000	agent, a language user  who  thereby  can  monitor  himself,  control
47100	himself, direct himself, and emancipate himself while commenting upon
47200	and criticizing these performances. Modern psychiatric  theory  based
47300	on  information-processing  principles, views man as an agent as well
47400	as recipient.  It must also come to grips with those enigmatic  cases
47500	in  which  what causally happens to a man can be a consequence of his
47600	unrecognized reasons.
47700		Let  us  consider  some  explanations  for  the paranoid mode
47800	beginning with Freud  in  the  late  19th  century.  (Historians  can
47900	certainly  find  concepts  of  intentions, affects and beliefs as far
48000	back as Aristotle, who seldom quoted his sources. "It's all been said
48100	before  but  you have to say it again because nobody listens"- Gide).
48200	To explain persecutory paranoia, Freud postulated defense  mechanisms
48300	of repression and projection (Freud, 1896).  He assumed the patient's
48400	believed persecution by others represented intolerable  (  and  hence
48500	repressed   and   projected)  self-reproaches  for  childhood  sexual
48600	experiences.   Today hardly anyone finds this explanation acceptable.
48700	Although  the  formulation has withered , the concepts of defense and
48800	projection have weathered.
48900		Sometime during Freud's friendship with  Fliess  (1897-1902),
49000	the  latter  proposed  to  Freud that paranoia arose from unconscious
49100	homosexual conflict (Jones,1955).  For years Freud was  silent  about
49200	this  notion  in  his  discussions  of paranoia. Then in 1911, in his
49300	notes on the Schreber case, he developed the  Fliess  formulation  in
49400	terms of transformations being applied to the basic proposition `I (a
49500	man) love him.' He postulated this proposition to be  so  intolerable
49600	as  not  to  be  admitted to consciousness and therefore subjected to
49700	unconscious transformations, first into `I do not love  him,  I  hate
49800	him'  which  in  turn  was  transformed into the conscious belief `He
49900	hates me' with the accompanying conclusion `Therefore I am  justified
50000	in hating him'.(Freud,1911).  
50100		Great  difficulty  has  been  encountered  in   testing   the
50200	formulation since  there is  no  agreed-upon method for detecting the
50300	presence of unconscious homosexual conflict.     The  explanation  is
50400	also  inconsistent  with  another  psychoanalytic tenet that everyone
50500	harbors unconscious homosexual conflicts.  But not  everyone  becomes
50600	paranoid.  To reconcile the inconsistency one would have to postulate
50700	some  additional,  possibly  quantitative  factors,  to  explain  the
50800	intensity  and  extent  of  the  paranoid  mode in certain people.  A
50900	further difficulty with  the  formulation  has  been  the  fact  that
51000	overtly  homosexual people can be paranoid, requiring in such cases a
51100	postulate of some other type of underlying conflict.
51200		Because of inconsistencies and  difficulty  in  testing,  the
51300	homosexual-conflict  explanation has not achieved consensus.   But as
51400	will be discussed, it may represent a special case in a more  general
51500	theory  which  postulates  self-censuring  and  the  forestalling  of
51600	humiliation to have central functions in the paranoid  mode.  Freud's
51700	later  attempts  at  the  explanation of paranoia assumed simply that
51800	love was transformed into hate (Freud,1923).    This  notion  is  too
51900	incomplete  and  unspecific a formulation to qualify as an acceptable
52000	scientific  explanation.  Contemporary  requirements  demand  a  more
52100	complex  and  precisely  defined organization of functions to account
52200	for such a transformation.
52300		Likewise Cameron's explanation of  paranoia  as  representing
52400	"projected  hostilty"  (Cameron,1967)  represents  a single, isolated
52500	hypothesis.  An isolated tendency  statement  says  little.  What  is
52600	needed  is  a  system  of tendency statements sufficiently complex to
52700	account for a variety of paranoid phenomena.
52800		Tomkins      (Tomkins,1963)      offered     an     arresting
52900	information-processing  theory  of  the   paranoid   posture.It   was
53000	articulated  in  terms  of defensive strategies, transformations ,and
53100	maximizing-minimizing principles. He viewed the paranoid `posture' or
53200	mode  as  an  attempt  to  cope with humiliation.  He proposed that a
53300	person whose information processing is monopolized  by  the  paranoid
53400	mode  is  in a permanent state of vigilance, in order to maximize the
53500	detection of insult and to minimize humiliation. To quote Tomkins:
53600		"The major source of distortion in his interpretation is
53700		 in his insistence on processing all information as though 
53800		 it were relevant only to the possibility of humiliation."
53900		Swanson, Bohnert and Smith  (1970),  in  their  monograph  on
54000	paranoia,  proposed  how  a "homeostatic" individual might attempt to
54100	deal with "bewildering  perceptions".       They  postulated  that  a
54200	person  in  homeostatic  equilibrium  perceives a pronounced inner or
54300	outer change which is inexplicable or unacceptable.    The  resultant
54400	disequilibrium   is   so   bewildering   that  in  order  to  restore
54500	equilibrium, the  person  constructs  a  paranoid  explanation  which
54600	attributes  the  cause  of  the change, not to an internal, but to an
54700	external  source.   With  the  cause  of  the  change  identified   ,
54800	bewilderment is abolished and uncertainty reduced.
54900		Aspects  of  this   formulation   suggest   symbol-processing
55000	strategies  typical of cases of paranoid thinking associated with the
55100	experienced  changes  resulting  from      organic  brain  damage  or
55200	amphetamine psychosis. These are conditions which mechanically happen
55300	to a man.  In paranoid states, reactions or  personalities  where  no
55400	pronounced  physical  change  can  be  identified ,the formulation is
55500	insufficient and must be filled out with more  complex  and  specific
55600	processes.
55700		In sum, the formulations of paranoia reviewed have not gained
55800	widespread acceptance because of various weaknesses and  limitations.
55900	Currently  there  exists  no  reigning  theory of paranoia. In such a
56000	pre-consensus state, the field is open for contending theories.
56100		Previous  theories  have  contributed useful hypotheses.    I
56200	have incorporated some of them (e.g.  Tomkin's  hypothesis  regarding
56300	humiliation)  in  an  attempt  to  explain  paranoid  phenomena  in a
56400	different way, using an  interactive  simulation  model.     I  shall
56500	attempt   to   explain   sequences   of  paranoid  symbolic  behavior
56600	(conversational  interactions)  by  describing  in  some   detail   a
56700	simulation  of  paranoid  interview  behavior  ,  having  in  mind an
56800	audience of  clinicians,  behavioral  scientists  and  colleagues  in
56900	fields  of computer science, artificial intelligence, and philosophy.
57000	The simulation model proposed (first described in  Colby,  Weber  and
57100	Hilf,1971)  stands  as  a  putative  explanation having the merits of
57200	being more explicit, systematic, consistent  and  testable  than  the
57300	theories  described  above.        The  model  combines hypotheses of
57400	previous formulations with additional hypotheses and assumptions , in
57500	an attempt to present a coherent, unified explanation.
57600		Before  we embark on a description of the model, let us first
57700	consider what it means to offer an explanation.